yupitxt.cc 
35. WS 53.1184.
36. ZZTJ 140.4389–90.
37. There seem, however, to have been a few exceptions, including a man named Feng Hetu 封和突, a man of Dai relocated to Luoyang who when he died in 501 was granted special permission for burial in Pingcheng: see Datongshi bowuguan 大同市博物馆, “Datongshi Xiaozhancun Huage ta tai Bei Wei mu qing li jian bao” ·同市·站村花圪塔台北魏墓清理简报, WW (1983.8): 1–4; and discussion in Zhang, “Cultural Encounters,” Chapter 5.
38. BS 54.1965; ZZTJ 141.4410.
39. WS 19B.465. In the biography of Xiaowen’s half-brother, the Prince of Guangling, we are told that “many among the men and barbarians of the northern frontier could not understand” the justification for removal of the capital: WS 21A.546.
40. According to ZZTJ 139.4351 it took Xiaowen 29 days to go the approximately 450 miles from Luoyang to Pingcheng, which means his train was traveling at about 15 miles a day.
41. It should be noted that the emperor’s reference to Yuan Pi as “duke” was a statement of reduction of his peerage; for further discussion, see below.
42. WS 7B.171.
43. WS 14.359. Though this chapter was, as mentioned above, reconstructed during the early modern Song period on the basis of Bei shi and other sources, this anecdote, and the one regarding Yu Guo just below, are not found in Bei shi‘s much briefer account of these events (BS 15.554–55). Since some lines in the Yu Guo story are also garbled, it is fair to wonder if the Song scholars who reconstructed Wei shu’s Chapter 14 did not rely, in part at least, on a damaged version of the original. It should also be noted that the Zi zhi tong jian version of these events (139.4351–52) is quite different. A close study of this might be needed.
44. On efforts to establish new horse pastures nearer Luoyang, and the later decline of these pastures, see Shing Müller, “Horses of the Xianbei,” 184; ZZTJ 139.4369. See also suggestions on importation of horses into the plains region in Knapp, “Use and Understanding of Domestic Animals.”
45. The Zhonghua shu ju editors point out that this passage is garbled: see Wei shu, 368 note 13.
46. BS 15.555 (WS 14.360).
47. WS 110.2863. After the move, Xiaowen ordered the minting of wu zhu coins, which had first been made under the Former Han. These seem to have had limited circulation. See Wei, “Bei Wei shi qi de huo bi liu tong,” 281–84. Some foreign coinage—Iranian or old Han—circulated privately. Underlying this was the situation described by Yan, Bei Wei qian qi zheng zhi zhi du, 118, who points out the early Wei treasurer of the Inner Court functioned only as a royal butler, storing and maintaining the treasury. More sophisticated fiscal authorities emerged only under Xiaowen.
48. See further discussion in Pearce, Spiro, and Ebrey, “Introduction,” in Culture and Power, 23. For the rebellion of a border district in reaction to attempts to shut trade down, see Liang shu 16.272; ZZTJ 147.4598–99.
49. See Wang Su’s Wei shu biography (63.1407–12); there is also a scattering of mentions in Jiankang histories. Wang Su was a descendant of Wang Dao, a powerful statesman of Eastern Jin. For a general study of the Wang of Langye, see Mao Hanguang 毛汉光, “Zhong gu da shi zu zhi ge an yan jiu—Langye Wang shi” 中古大士族之个案研究—琅琊王氏, in his Zhongguo zhong gu she hui shi lun (Taibei: Lian jing chu ban shi ye gong si, 1988), 365–404.
50. NQS 57.998.
51. WS 63.1407.
52. NQS 57.998.
53. WS 63.1411.
54. WS 63.1409, 1410. But note that for setbacks in the field, he was also chided by Xiaowen, and temporarily demoted (WS 63.1410), and later that the Prince of Rencheng, resenting the man’s power, also laid claim that Wang retained ties with Qi, though these were rejected by Xuanwu and Rencheng punished instead (WS 63.1410, 19B.470).
55. WS 63.1408. There was a Northern Wei “province” of Yangzhou, with its seat south of mod. Shangqiu, Henan: WS 106B.2581–83. It will be noted, however, that unlike real Wei administrative units, no population figures are given; this was a statement of intent. See also Mou et al., Zhongguo xing zheng qu hua tong shi: Shi liu guo Bei chao juan, 1: 733–34.
56. Chen shu 26.326.
57. NQS 57.998. These southern statements are emphasized in Wang Wanying’s generally useful economic history, Zhuan xing qi de Bei Wei cai zheng, 4–5, with little attention to the lack of any such mention in the Wei shu account.
58. Though the Nan Qi shu account (57.998) asserts Wang Su played a role in establishing the 9-rank system for Wei, there is no mention of Wang Su at all in the “Monograph on Offices and Clans” (WS 113), or regarding bureaucratic reorganization anywhere in Wei shu, while in WS 68.1521 we are told that Xiaowen “keenly wanted a southern campaign, and exclusively consulted Wang Su on [such] military matters.”
59. Clifford Geertz, Negara: The Theatre State in Nineteenth-century Bali (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1980), 124. The author of this volume has recently discovered that a colleague, Andrew Chittick, has in his book The Jiankang Empire also drawn upon Geertz’s insights to discuss the object of his study in the “Sino-Southeast Asian Zone.” There certainly are more direct links between the Jiankang empire and the Southeast Asian state of Negara. But after mulling over abandonment of the term in this study, this author has come to the conclusion that, in some sense, all states are theatre states, basing effective rule—in part at least—on their capacity to induce most people most of the time to accept that rule. Here Geertz’s insights into a particular regime have been drawn into a broader discourse.
60. NQS 57.997. Perhaps these were early seeds of the broad national feeling that according to Nicolas Tackett emerged more fully among Chinese in early modern Song: see his The Origins of the Chinese Nation: Song China and the Forging of an East Asian World Order (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2017).
61. WS 7B.171, 108A.2749; Kawamoto Yoshiaki 川本芳昭, “Goko Jūrokkoku Hokuchō ki ni okeru Shūrai no juyō o megutte” 五胡十六国·北朝期における周礼の受容をめぐって, Saga daigaku kyōyōbu kenkyū kiyō 23 (1991), 10. For change of weights and measures to accord with Zhou models, see WS 7B.178.
62. WS 107A.2661, 108A.2747; ZZTJ 137.4318. For a view of these issues from within the Chinese historiographical tradition, see Liu, “Becoming the Ruler of the Central Realm,” 89–93.
63. The first quote: WS 19B.465; the second is a paraphrase of the words of Clifford Geertz in his Interpretation of Cultures: Selected Essays (New York: Basic Books, 1973), 5. Having put forth this quote of Geertz in his book Belonging, 4, Anthony Cohen goes on to say on p. 9 of his object of study, the fishermen of Whalsay, among the Shetland Islands: “Whalsaymen never think of themselves as merely ‘fishermen’: they are Whalsay fishermen.”
64. NQS 57.985, 991; Kang, Cong xi jiao dao nan jiao, 167–69.
65. WS 108A.2751; WS 7B.174. For the beginnings of use of the southern altar, see WS 7B.164. This is the central theme of Kang Le’s book, cited in the previous note.
66. For clothing: ZZTJ 139.4370; Dien, Six Dynasties Civilization, 317–19. For language: WS 21A.536; ZZTJ 140.4386–87.
67. SS 32.935. This interest in the book continued under Xiaowen’s son and heir, Xuanwu: WS 8.203.
68. WS 21A.550; ZZTJ 139.4359.
69. See WS 7A.155; ZZTJ 136.4266; and the discussion of substantial grants with peerage in Zhang Hequan 张鹤泉, “Bei Wei hou qi zhu wang jue wei feng shou zhi du shi tan” 北魏朔期诸王爵位封授制度试探, Zhongguo shi yan jiu (2012.4), 73–96.
70. WS 7B.169.
71. BS 15.555 (WS 14.360). Another opponent of the move was Mu Tai, who had long before also opposed Wenming’s plan to remove Xiaowen: WS 27.663.
72. WS 113.3014–15; ZZTJ 140.4393–94; Albert Dien, “Elite Lineages and the T’o-pa Accommodation”; and Eisenberg, Kingship in Early Medieval China, 90. Regarding reorganization of kinship groups along lines established long before under Qin and Han, the comments of a northern visitor to Jiankang needs noted: “I am a Serbi and do not have a surname” 我是鲜卑， 无姓 (SoS 59.1600). For Inner Asian populations, forms of organization other than the family name had regularly been seen: Xiongnu are said to have only had personal names (HS 94A.3743; SJ 110.2879); while early on, Wuhuan and Xianbei took their “surname” from their leader (HHS 90.2975; SGZ 30.832). For Xiaowen and his evolving government, assignment of surnames of the Chinese style would certainly make such people easier to register on government forms, and would also undercut the persistence of old ties that had bound together groups such as the Helan after their forced incorporation into the Wei state.
73. ZZTJ 140.4393; WS 7B.179; WS 113.3006. It must here be restated that since “Serbi do not have surnames,” it seems likely that “Taghbach” had not previously been used as a surname in the Chinese manner.
74. WS 40.911.
75. ZZTJ 139.4353; 140.4387.
76. Dai Weihong 戴卫欢, Bei Wei kao ke zhi du yan jiu 北魏考课制度研究 (Beijing: Zhongguo she hui ke xue chu ban she, 2010), 39–58; and for an overview of the issue during this age, Albert Dien, “Civil Service Examinations: Evidence from the Northwest,” in Culture and Power, 99–121.
77. ZZTJ 139.4358–59; 140.4386. Bloating of salary for redundant and unnecessary posts is a problem seen in many societies, including those of the Manchus and Tokugawa Japan (see, e.g., the depiction of this in Tetsuko Craig, tr., Musui’s Story: The Autobiography of a Tokugawa Samurai [Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1988]).
78. WS 113.2976.
79. See this chapter’s note 24.
80. WS 113.2977–3003; WS 7B.172.
81. WS 7A.152; BS 19.713–14 (WS 22.587–89).
82. NQS 57.996.
83. BS 19.713–14 (WS 22.588); ZZTJ 140.4400–1, 141.4410.
84. BS 15.556 (WS 14.361).
